Women’s Initiatives for Peace and Gender Justice in North East India

Author : Aparna Mahanta

Present day North East India is haunted by violence and insecurity arising out of ethnically based identity movements and the Indian state’s military intervention to control them. The regional specificity, such as its strategically important geographical position or its ethnic composition need not be reiterated here though it has a significant part to play in the present impasse. What is significant however is the specificity of women’s historical status in the region and its significance for the roles expected and possible for them in the present situation of violence and conflict and the possible effect of the situation on their future role and status. The interface of the ongoing identity movements of the region and the women’s movement, silent but growing, is the site for the shaping and reshaping of gender identity which is part, though in diametrically opposed directions, both of the nationalist projects underwriting the former movements and the goal of the women’s movement.

Recent studies on the implications for women of nationlist and communal identity formation projects have shown the crucial role of gender for a nationality’s or a community’s self-imaging. The implications of such movements for defining women’s status and roles in a society under revived or modernized systems of patriarchal domination is thus much more serious than it appears. This aspect was for a long time obscured in the North east identity movements because of the libertarian potential sensed in them. The anti-patriarchal thrust of the movements, contesting as it were the patriarchal domination of the Indian state by asserting the rights of the weaker or small nationalities was focused upon. The insidious working of patriarchy in a new environment was not properly understood or at least the ultimate consequences of the movements or the effects on gender relations were not considered. Freedom is a heady word, but if it has to be achieved at the cost of the un-freedom of some, it has to be watched or at least the costs counted particularly the long range costs which include the rise of newer patriarchies where none existed. Or to put it another way is patriarchy to be fought with patriarchies or is it not essential to evolve newer paradigms of gender relations that transcend the present unequal ones?

Though violence is the focus of the present discussion, particularly women’s role in ending it, the issue of violence cannot be discussed in isolation, as something sporadic or temporary and in which women’s agency as instigator or perpetrator is minimal. In such a reading women’s role will be simply that of a peacemaker like the pukheriela among the warring Naga tribes of yore whose status derived from the fact that she was a non-combatant. Such a reading bypasses the issue of women’s complicity as a communal subject as well as object. The present violent phases of the ethnic self-determination movements has to be seen in their structural relation to the other non-violent, peaceful, democratic movements for identity that preceded it or run concurrently with it. The ideological underpinnings of cults of violence have to be gone into, particularly the ways violence is demarcated into what is legitimate, i.e. acceptable (domestic violence) and what is illegitimate and determined as such by community approval or legal fiat. Few observers applauding the peaceful, democratic Assam movement were aware of its violent underside, which burst out in sporadic incidents like Nellie. My contention is that the ideological control of women through the identity building exercises strengthened patriarchy or even created patriarchal structures where they did not exist by the ways it legitimized and delegitimised certain types of violence, or marked out the political spaces available to women. The kind of violence meted out by the armed forces to the village women by the army in search operations is quite rightly condemned as illegitimate, but the same kind of violence meted out to a wife by a husband is glossed over and made invisible, immunized from protest by women’s groups on the ground that it was diverting attention away from the main issue.This selective condoning and condemning of violence was particularly evident in the way rape was selectively used as a political strategy. Rape was brought out from the private domain into the public political space. The women of Kamrup were raped by Indian army, the Bodo women by Assam police and therefore seen as outsider’s aggression on “our” women, and hence the subject of public anger without in any way affecting the social issue of rape and women’s honour. Nor did women contest this. The main issue in rape is that of woman’s exposure, as a sex object and outside the sacred ‘lakshman rekha’ of home. Here the army were allegedly raping the women inside their homes, during search operations, hence it was more heinous than wayside rape or in the field where it could be glossed over as indiscretion or accident. It is notable that all the publicized rapes were mass rapes, with both rapists and victims seen as faceless plurals, signifying their status as markers of community honour/dishonour with the gender aspect elided, as being not between men and women but Assamese/Indian or Bodo/Assamese.

A similar point needs to be made about the allocation of political space to women in the movements, whether peaceful or violent. During the Assam movement women went on the streets, courted arrest, were jailed, spent nights in the open, but that did not open out the spaces for them. After the movement it was the same old back to the home. Similarly in the violent movements it is within the homes that women’s support is sought, as shelter giver, food-provider, at times treasurer. Hence in the protests against violence women have not cared to transgress this space limitation. They are free to protest as “mothers”, care providers, not as citizens and autonomous subjects. The appeal for peace is made to ‘our boys’ who have gone astray. The same privileged positions as males continue to be given to the boys in the deference shown to their activities. The only successful women’s movements against violence in the North east is that of the Naga Mothers Association of Nagaland and the Meira Peibis of Manipur. Here women take the social vigilantes role, an extension of that as nurturer and care-giver, stopping trafficking in drugs and alcohol, protecting against false arrest and disappearances. In this role women are not threatening but rather protective. Though much less publicized much the same kind of role of protecting arrestees or providing care and shelter to militants is being taken by the women of rural areas in Upper and Lower Assam, who are activated more by familial considerations rather than any concrete ideas of resistance to state terrorism. Now that the protection of the movement is gone women no longer come out to the streets to protest on their own.

Even in the N.E. states not much affected by violence yet, the inherent violence of sexism and ethnic assertion is very tangibly in the air. In Meghalaya for instance the students’ organizations are sponsoring bans on intermarriage of Khasi women with outsiders on the ground that property inheritance is matrilineal. While this may be seen as resistane to the encroachment of patriarchal norms brought in by men from already patriarchal societies and undermining the sexual autonomy of Khasi women, it also smacks of attempts by their own menfolk at patriarchal control over women’s bodies in the name of preserving ethnic purity. The issues of customary laws which mainly affect women but are controlled and manipulated by men to serve sexist ends are being raised by tribal womens, organizations in some of the tribal states like Arunachal Pradesh.

Hence the struggle of women against violence in the Northeast cannot remain at the level of resistance to outward manifestations of violence, but must reach out to the ideological underpinnings of violence against women and others labeled as deviant/outsiders in the existent or emerging patriarchal structures of society. It is a major strategy of patriarchy to render invisible or make natural the violent repression of women and thus gain their willing compliance in their own subordination in the name of male superiority (read control over ideology). It is here that the role of the women’s movement comes in. By continuously drawiing attention to the gender aspects the women’s organizations demystify the ideological moorings of patriarchal structures. As a result of the reigning environment of violence in Assam, crimes against women, mainly in a domestic setting have become very common as reported almost daily in the vernacular papers. Earlier they were hardly noticed, now they are noticed because of a growing culture of women’s protest, usually organized by the local women. While organizing for political issues by women is illegitimate, organizing on women’s issues is sanctioned and women are using this space to get their voices heard. Similarly in the tribal states women’s organizations can focus on the way community interests override issues of gender justice, for instance in the administration of customary laws, and at least initiate a gender discourse that will look at issues of violent sexism in society. A culture of participatory activity by women in public, limited though it may be, as in the case of organizations like the NMA and others like it as well as the spontaneous organizations of Assamese women around cases of social violence whether perpetrated by army, ultras or private individuals and families will legitimize women’s occupation of public space for articulation of demands for social and gender justice, that will not remain confined to the domestic arena but will embrace the sphere of public action.

Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights
Author : Athili Anthony Sapriina

The Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) was founded on 9th September in 1978, based on the Universal belief that “violation of human rights in any part of the world is a threat to the human race as a whole and protection and promotion of human rights anywhere is a concern for all”. The formation of NPMHR was necessitated by the massive violations and suppression of human rights, in the midst of the political conflict between the Naga Resistance Movement on the one hand and the Indian and Burmese State on the other hand. It was also a period when the people of India were suffering immensely under state suppression in the form of the Emergency; and a general awareness of human and democratic rights was being created and debated upon. It was in this atmosphere that many people in India began to receive the Naga opinion with an open mind, during which it was formed after much debate and discussion by a group of Naga students in Delhi. Over the years NPMHR has grown into a mass movement and has initiated a number of campaigns and launched a series of activities at the local and international level.

NPMHR thus emerged with attempts to give an organized expression to the Naga peoples fight for their rights while exposing to the people of India and to the world, the State of India and Burma has been pursuing against the Nagas. The Nagas have throughout their history fiercely maintained their political and cultural independence. The policy of treating a ‘Political Issue’ as mere ‘Law and Order Problem’ and the constant application of military to force a nationalist movement to submission has resulted only into a senseless cycle of violence thereby violating human rights and robbing peace. NPMHR attempts to give a response to the campaign of annihilation of the spirit of basic human rights including the right to life and self-determination.

The Naga peoples struggle for their right to self-determination has surpassed five and half decades and yet the decolonization process that emerged in the mid-twentieth century has conveniently bypassed the Nagas’ history either because of its continued isolation or because ‘realpolitik’, not popular consent, still continues to determine the fate and destiny of many peoples and nations. Our experience of human suffering and pain has been misinterpreted and threatened at every level of the society. Yet in the midst of these bitter experiences, the people have courageously continued to manifest a strong yearning for their rights to freedom, respect, equality and justice. The existing confrontational attitude, if allowed to continue, will only enhance the lack of understanding and mistrust between the Naga people and the Indian population. The Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) is of the opinion that accusations and counter accusations would only stall the ongoing political process. It further believes that what is required at the moment is a concerted collaborative effort from both the sides to bring about better understanding and respect between the two peoples. We realize that both sides need to have the will to listen and to understand the needs and interest of the other in order to bring about a mutually acceptable solution.

It has taken all these years and a great loss of human life for the Government of India to realize that the Naga Issue is fundamentally political in nature, and thus a genuine solution can only be arrived at through negotiation and dialogue based on mutual respect and dignity. The cease-fire agreement entered into between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM) on the 1st of August 1997 has facilitated the opening of a space – and the opportunity – for constructive dialogue in seeking an honourable solution. However, as we enter into the sixth year of the cease-fire we are yet to experience any substantial development, the lack of which threatens the very survival of the fragile peace initiative. This definitely calls for greater political will and sincerity on the part of all parties concerned.

While recognizing the limitations of the current peace initiative, we feel the need for constructive intervention by the people towards consolidating the peace process. We are of the opinion that for any positive outcome to emerge from the current peace initiative, negotiation and dialogue must take place at various levels of the civil society. NPMHR is thus in the process of initiating a ‘peoples to people dialogue’ with Indian civil society towards evolving better understanding, thereby creating a process of interaction and dialogue. It is implicitly a process whereby we recognize the distinction between the Government of India and the Indian civil population and realize the urgency for Indian intellectuals and civil and democratic rights group to participate and contribute in the peace process. Further NPMHR is of the view that for any viable political solution to emerge and lead towards a “sustainable peace”, it must transcend the confines of the negotiating room and engage the people; civil society has to contribute responsibly towards forming public opinion and broadening participation. We would like to believe that such initiatives will help facilitate a broader democratic space for a more consistent, constructive and sustainable process of dialogue and interaction that would address some of our common needs and interest and redefine the differences and fears that exist.

The Naga peoples wish to acknowledge the initiatives taken by groups such as this to creating a better understanding and relationship between the Naga people and the Indian society. We further hope that this would contribute towards bringing about greater transparency and accountability in the peace process. These initiatives provide opportunities to share the Naga history from our own perspective.

While the Indian state is engaged in political level talks with the Resistance groups, its machineries and agencies have embarked upon a more subtle campaign as to destroy the Naga spirit. It has continued to wage a psychological warfare with its “Army Development Groups (ADG), “Military Civic Action (MCA)” and “Operation Good Samaritan”. Notwithstanding the many beneficiaries because of these initiatives we are aware of the real design behind these. They are meant to further colonise our minds and leading the Naga people into believing that they are around in the Naga hills for the good of the Nagas. That they cannot survive without the Indian State’s dole.

They have on many occasions usurped the local administration and gone for developmental programmes. Mention may be made of the numerous excursions of young students to nearby towns and cities. Few ‘luckier’ ones have been taken to places as far as Mumbai and Delhi. Not one of these initiatives goes without a photo appearing in one of the local English dailies. Many of the ‘peace’ rallies in Naga areas of NE India were sponsored by the Army. The many ‘thank yous’ to newspapers by Nagas are uncountable. It is for discerning people to decide which ones are voluntary. What is one odd edical camp to a village in its 30 year history of pain. Does the Indian Army or the “Sathi Laga Force” think that the Naga people can be fooled by its cosmetic stunts of conducting excursions, free medical camps, music concerts, fashion shows, constructing community halls or leveling playgrounds, etc, while its intention is to subdue the mind and take away the dignity of the people. The Naga people needs to be well aware and watchful of the nefarious design of destructive forces trying to systematically intrude into our communities and lives.

This has happened not just in Naga areas of India’s North East but also in other conflict areas of the region. It has happened in Kashmir too and in other parts of the world. Peace is not just the absence of war. It is not just the absence of human rights abuses either. Peace is not just what is as understood by the elites. There cannot be peace without justice, without the acknowledgement of our history, without addressing the roots of the conflict. The present circumstances do not enable us to search and strengthen our roots.

The Naga people (and also many other marginalised and oppressed peoples) live under imposed systems and structures that are alien to our values and worldviews. The structure under which we are made to function is itself violent. Structural violence interpreted at the grassroots could mean inadequate drinking water facilities, lack of access to electricity, no basic education facility, no basic health services, unemployment, corruption in the ‘government’, etc.

We are unable to be ourselves because of this structural imposition. Our struggle is not so much to replace the rulers but to transform this conflict and resultant human sufferings to a relationship of partnership. It provides us an opportunity to seek new ways to rebuild our future. We want to determine our own destiny and future by reclaiming our history and correcting the unjust legacy.

Our vision is for the well being of the aged, for the advancement of the youth, for the liberation of women and for the protection of our children. Our vision foresees the unity of the people of our land. Building peace is a collective responsibility. It requires freedom. It demands justice. It rejects exclusion. It also requires the willingness of the stronger to listen to the positions of the weaker ones. Our vision sees beyond the present conflict and beyond the present phase of our history.

The 1947 declaration of Independence and the 1951 Plebiscite are events that are sacred to the Naga peoples. These were done by our leaders taking into consent the collective Naga spirit. If there are people who would question these, they do so because they cannot understand and appreciate our way of life, our philosophy, our relations. We believe in the collective spirit of our peoples.

Nagas have come through the years of vilification, misrepresentation and marginalisation. We continue to be subjected to situations where our wisdom and capacities are questioned by people with whom we would share a future, if not a common future. They fail to look beyond the boundaries and territories created and imposed by the state.

It demands courage and statesmanship on the part of our neighbouring peoples in fulfilling their responsibility towards the Nagas. It calls for reciprocation, humility and wisdom of the Naga peoples. It demands of us to jointly secure a future of partnership based on truth, mutual respect and dignity.

Women’s movements and nationalism in Manipur
Author: Bhabananda Takhellambam

The 18th of June is remembered as the “Great June Uprising” as well as “Unity Day” in the state of Manipur. “The State government declared it as holiday to facilitate greater public participation in the observation” (The Imphal Free Press, June 18, 2002). Lakhs of people paid homage to the 18 departed souls who lost their lives in an effort to safeguard the territorial integrity of the state. It started with a public rally from Polo Ground (the heart of the city) Imphal to the memorials constructed at the site where the deceased were cremated, ending the procession with floral tributes. “Some 30 odd communities participated that included Meitei, Kabuis, Khongsais, Hmars, Kukis, Paiteis, Muslims, Punjabis, Marwaries, Jains and others, numbering about 5 lakhs” (The Imphal Free Press, June 19, 2002). The homage ended with a mammoth meeting at the Khuman Lampak Stadium. And it was women that outnumbered their male counterparts in high proportions.

The high participation of women of Manipur in the issues of nationalism is nothing new. It is a historical process, even dates back to the times of myth and legends. This is possible because the potentials of Manipuri women were regarded and realized. During the time of Meidingu Paikhomba (1666-97), a separate ‘wayel shang’ , court of justice, called “Patcha Loishang” run by women to deal the affairs of women was established. It was in existence till the 17th century, around 1891, till the arrival of Hinduism. (B. Kulachandra Sharma, “Manipurgi Leingaklonna Piramba Awangba Thaki Nupigi Hak”, Macha Leima, December, 2002).

Women’s uprising and nationalism in Manipur can broadly be divided into following parts;

Women in myth and legends:

Women of Manipur had played a very significant role in the society. Even in myth and legends the Lairembies (female deity) occupy a prominent and respectable place. The indispensability of Thong-ngak lairembi, the episode of Tangkhul Nurabi, Haoreima Sambubi or Panthoibi, Phouibi says it all. Coming closer to reality, the Leishemba myth (myth of creation of earth) and coronation of the mythological ruler Pakangba and the role played by his mother are not just a myth for; “it (myth) is not an idle tale, but a hard worked active force; it is not an intellectual explanation or an artistic imaginary, but a pragmatic character of primitive faith and moral wisdom”. (Brownislow Malinowski, “Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays”, cited in Thanaoujam Chanu Ibemhal, Haoreima Sambubi (Imphal: Lamyanba Printers, 2000) p. 22.)

Women’s Uprising during monarchial times:

The exploits of royal ladies like Laisana queen to Nongda Lairen Pakhangba, queen Laitonkhu wife of Pengshiba, and the ingenuity of Queen Yaourei Leiyathi Khunkam Leinamung, the love story of Pitanga, the episode of king Thawan Thaba Hiran, valour of Queen Lingthoingambi are an example of Manipuri women’s courage. Outside the state of Manipur, the history of Manipuri princess Karunganayani is well read.

Besides the royal ladies, in political sphere, the influence of common women in the administration cannot be ignored. It was customary for the women folk to gather in groups and present their grievances before the king. Even death sentences were reprieved if women pleaded on behalf of the accused. “In Raja’s days a criminal sentenced to death was occasionally reprieved if a sufficient number of women appeared to intercede for him”. (Manjusri Chaki-Sircar, Feminism in a Traditional Society, [New Delhi: Shakti Books, 1984], p. 26.)

Even the process of sanskritization that began in the 18th Century with the ascendance of king Pamheiba to the throne of Manipur under the title of Garibnawaz (refuge of the poor) was checked due to the presence of a strong female power. Thus, Hinduism has been absorbed in the ethnic culture. For there was a pervasive and distinctive role for women in the public sphere, viz. political economic social and religious, found perhaps nowhere in other parts of India.

Women’s uprising during colonial times:

The Anglo-Manipuri war of 1891 marked the end of sovereign and independent existence of the Manipur forever; it was the beginning of the British rule of Manipur, as a part of British Indian administration, and after 1947, as a state of the Indian Union.

The first popular uprising was the event of 1904 popularly known as First Nupi Lal. It was against the British orders of punitive punishment, to rebuild the new state bungalow (burnt down by some unidentified miscreants) purchased by the government form Mr. Mitchell, the executive engineer and occupied by Mr. Nuttal and Dunlop (Letter from Maxwell to the Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam. No. 373, dt. 1st October, 1904, in Naorem Lokendra, Unquiet Valley, New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1998 p. 76.) Though the uprising was for a short span, the result and impact it created on the British administration far outweigh the time period. “The intensity of the backlash forced the political agent to rescind the rebuilding orders”. (N. Joykumar Singh, The 1904 Movement, in The Third Annual Conference of Northeast India History Association, Imphal: Manipur University, 1982).

The women’s agitation was seen again in popular Bazaar Boycott Agitation of 1920-21. This agitation from the memorandum submitted to the judicial member on 25th September reveals that it was against the exploitation of native traders by the Marwaris.

One of the most important events in the colonial history of Manipur was the “Women’s Agitation of 1939” more popularly known as the second Nupi Lal. The agitation, which started for a ban in export of rice from Manipur, suddenly, took the form of anti-monarchial and anti-imperialist uprising.

Due to this uprising many reforms were introduced and changes were made in the administration of Manipur. Chief court was established in Manipur. A council replaced the Durbar in 1946-47. Acts like Manipur Constitution Act, Manipur State election Act, etc. were passed. Election rules were constituted and election was also held in the state. In 1948 Manipur Assembly was established.

Women’s Uprising in the post-colonial times:

In the post-colonial times the political awareness of women was very high. In 1954 and 1959 women played an active part in demand for responsible government in Manipur. In 1960 women formed ‘Women Assembly Demand Committee’ to press the central government to grant responsible government in Manipur. Women’s participation in ‘Statehood Demand Movement’ was very significant in late 60’s. After statehood in 1973, when the Manipur Peoples Party led government was toppled due to defection in the party, women were first to agitate against it and shouted slogans of ‘anti-defections’.

Now, the present state of affairs in Manipur is characterized by a high degree of social, economic and political instability. The instability is dominated by fragmentation and fractionalization of the polity and society. The innumerable participants, each espousing its own cause, have complicated the political and economic scenario of the state. The 1980’s and early part of the 1990’s have presented the most common features of inter ethnic clashes and undertones of insurgency activities. Counter-insurgency operations have resulted in gross violation of Human Rights, rape, torture, disappeared persons; in Manipur it is everything worst that you can imagine of. To counter these threats the women of Manipur have taken up the lead and responsibility again in the form of Meira Paibi.

Meira paibi got its name as an organization about two decades ago, but the organization has a long history in another name of ‘Nisha Bandhi uprising’ that began around the mid 70’s. Nisha Bandhi was against the sale and consumption of intoxicants, more so liquor. In the year 1991-92, their efforts (then transformed into the Meira Paibi movement) finally paid off. The then Government of Manipur led by Manipur Peoples Party of R.K. Ranbirsana passed the prohibition order on the sale and consumption of liquor. Manipur was declared a dry state, and is still today.

Meira Paibi uprising can be taken as the logical outcome of the rise of insurgency and counter-insurgency policy in the state. To counter the menace arising out of this dialectic, the women started spending nights outside the comforts of their homes, patrolling the streets and guarding their locality against any surprise search operations of the armed forces. They took up the “meira”, an improvised bamboo torch, and it became the symbol of their movement, and thus the name “Meira Paibi Uprising” (Uprising of women who hold meira). To spend the night the women needed a proper place to rest or stay. This led to the construction of improvised shed, now popularly known as Meira Shang. Today, all the localities have Meira Paibi organizations, and almost every locality has their own Meira Shang.

The Meira at the first glance may appear to be just another source of light in the dark. But if one looks deeper, it has a significant meaning of its own. Holding the lit up meira, the Meira Paibis (paibis is the plural of paibi) feel confident to face any untoward incidents. It gives them a sense of security. It is a symbol of their dignity and moral strength. It is sacred to them for it gives strength and inspiration. It gives them the courage necessary to face and protect themselves and others in the face of adversaries. It is a reminder of the sacred oath that they took, to fight injustice. And above all the meira is the mascot of solidarity inside their own Miera Paibi group as well as among other Meira Paibi groups all over the state.

The socio-cultural and political tradition of Manipur has legitimized the women of Manipur in whatever task that they may take up. The legitimacy is based much more on social and moral approval, than on legal sanctions. Manipuri society does not permit men to inflict physical harm to women, at least in public. Even in traditional times, women were exempted from capital punishment. The strength and courage necessary to face any adversary was born from these social and moral obligations of the society toward women.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that the problems of this trouble torn state of Manipur up to large extent could be solved with Meira Paibi. “Given the inherent strength of Meira Paibi movement, I am sure that they would be able to take up these (lawlessness, insurgency, corruption, social evils) important issues and usher in an era of peace and prosperity in the state, where the people irrespective of their religion, caste or creed would be able to enjoy the fruits of development and march along the path of progress towards a bright future” (“Governor urges meira paibis to play the role of peace makers”, The Sangai Express, Imphal, Monday 1, 2001, p. 1.)

Women and Conflict on Water Resources
Author: Eva Saroach

As a natural resource, water (and the water discourse) involves the environment. But even the environment that we have come to understand is the outcome of how, “Nature is transformed by a sophisticated series of forms of knowledge and the endless writing of reports that empowers its divide and control nature in order to develop and modernize it”. It is within this ecological discourse that relationship between environment and geopolitics is formulated and a ‘new environmental geopolitics’ is constructed. The integration of environmental issues like, ozone depletion, water disputes, transboundary pollution etc, into geopolitical reasoning suggests that a new form of power-knowledge is now a part of twentieth century geopolitics.This does not mean that environmental problems do not exist in reality. Various examples of accelerated environmental degradation, including transboundary pollution, diminishing forest reserves, depleting fresh water resources definitely raise crucial questions regarding the well being of humans ecosystem. But it is the manner in which environmental ‘problems’ are conceptualized and prioritized, or the way solutions are sought to such problems, which remains at the heart of environmental geopolitics.

These new dimensions of ‘green’ geopolitics are therefore not innocent constructions about the environment. They signify a particular understanding of the world that very much relates to traditional thinking of global geopolitics, but is now revived and reformulated in terms of a new language. The language here becomes a strategy of conceptualizing, thematizing and even controlling nature. Consequently, ecology emerges as a geopolitical metaphor, whereas wild nature becomes a passive ecosystemic infrastructure, simply waiting to be tamed by a green geopolitics. Such ecosystemic structures are, in other words, related to political power entrapped within the global political economy. This form of geopolitics is described by Vandana Shiva as ‘Green Imperialism’.

Once the traditional geopolitics has refurbished itself in ecological terms, it is within this discourse that green geopolitics nurtures itself both as a theory and practices. Thus, it is argued here that concepts such as ‘ecological security’ and ‘environmental sustainability’ need to be problemtized, since such categories often reveal “more about environmental knowledge is produced as a political resource than an appreciation of particular material circumstances. A better understanding of how a series of ecological ‘threats’ is constructed is possible only by challenging, or at least by going beyond, the conventional categories and typologies which privilege and protect certain actors, interests and priorities. Briefly touching upon the term “sustainable Development”. I find this term an oxymoron. Sustainable development constructs and projects all environmental problems as ‘efficiency’ issues, which somehow have to be managed by the class of the so-called experts or techno-managers. Also, policies once enframed in the language of ‘sustainable development’ provide state actors with a pseudo-scientific justification in support of select global environmental agreements. Such a clever manoeuvring or manipulation of ecological rhetoric, which is deeply embedded in state-centric geopolitics, does provide the political elite with an unusually cohesive power-knowledge combination for making sustainability discourse an integral element of this new green geopolitical approach.

Access to freshwater resources has always been a highly contested political issue. After all both power and politics in the final sense are about access to resources, be they natural, human or imaginary. The issue of who gets what, when, where and how out of transboundary watercourses, including aquifers, is primarily a geopolitical problem related to multifaceted question of domestic political concerns, ideological priorities, official foreign policy attitudes, regime stability and boundary drawing practices. The political actors involved both within and among the sovereign nation- states, view water security as an important aspect of national and regional security. Further, various competing international positions on water issues often have a geopolitical dimension that reflects engagement with broader ‘national’ objectives of security or development or both. That is why, even the concept of sustainable development needs to be problematized. As the politics of sustainability and sustainable development are complementary to each other. Whereas ethics of sustainability demands an altogether different approach to the sustainable development and management of waterways. Ethics of sustainability means, economically viable, culturally appropriate, gender sensitive and ecologically sustainable management and development of waterways. As in the state centric approach to the understanding and also the ways the solutions are devised these codes are missing.

Though, in terms of sub-continental hydrography, the post-colonial, post-partitioned states of South Asia, are united, sharing the Indus river basin (India and Pakistan) and Ganga–Bhramputra-Meghna basin (India-Bangaladesh-Nepal), geopolitically they stand divided; as against the backdrop of asymmetry of wealth, knowledge and information, water issues continue to induce conflict and struggle among them for power in various forms.

In the South Asian context, anxiety over the availability of the fresh water resources, has more often than not resulted in turning water into a security issue. Utmost secrecy is maintained regarding actual facts/figures of water availability or scarcity. For instance, whether the Farakka Barage has actually harmed Bangladesh or not, or it has caused great physical and mental harm to many communities in Eastern Bihar and West Bengal, is one of the most well-guarded secrets of the Indian state. The strategy of ‘revealing’, ‘not revealing’ and also ‘partly revealing’, has always been the hallmark of traditional geopolitics of water resources, which unfortunately seems to persist in South Asia. Needless to say, such ‘strategies’, or rather machinations of statecraft, including ‘cartographies of secrecy and silence’ remain a major obstacle in the way of ecologically sustainable development and management of the South Asian waterways.

It can also be argued perhaps that sovereign states engaged in the relentless pursuit of their respective national self-interests are often inclined towards resolving the water conflicts in a non-cooperative, myopic way. Such policies have often proved to be a failure in the face of the growing demands, as newly emerged water uses compete with the existing ones, demanding that either new priorities are established or innovative accommodations devised. As in the case of Indus river basin, both India and Pakistan, due to strongly entrenched notions of ‘Otherness’ and the alleged incompatibility of ‘national positions’ have shown reluctance to adopt integrated basin development plans. Although the Indus Water Treaty of 1960 has been hailed more or less universally as a success story, thanks largely to the third party mediation by the World Bank, for some what the Treaty had actually achieved with remarkable efficiency was to partition the integrated Indus river basin. The imperatives of an integrated-holistic model of the sustainable development and management of the river basin would have demanded a very different approach to the whole issue on the part of both the parties. Recently, the Indus Water Treaty has been publicly denounced by the Jammu and Kashmir government as being discriminatory to the state. The J&K government feels that its interests have been hurt on at least two major counts. First, it cannot use the waters of the Indus, Jhelum and Chenab. Second, it fails to get any compensation for the power generated from the three rivers on which India exercises control.

The Mahakali Treaty of 1996, signed between India and Nepal is also one such example where the ethics of water sharing could not bypass the deeply entrenched issues of sovereignty and (in)security or for that matter ideological contestations. Thus far the dominant trend among the two nation-states has been to perceive water issues both as a major problem area and as a valuable resource to enhance their respective ‘national’ power and defense. In the process, the water issues have been (mis)used to sustain the conventional geopolitical considerations. At the same time, the technological ‘interventions’ of all kinds have adversely affected human ecology and the capacity of nature to renew life support systems. Those who adopt the “mining” attitude vis-à-vis nature and its endowments, especially water, emboldened by various technological advances, often overlook the sad plight of people at the receiving end; the disempowered coastal communities struggling along the international waterways or the displaced due to the ‘damming’ of rivers. For certain politicians, technocrats and the big contractors, such communities are neither nationalist nor patriotic enough since they oppose ‘development’ and ‘progress’ embodied in big dams. In the perception of such builders of ‘modern Indian temples’, the traditional knowledge and wisdom of the coastal communities is primitive and not futuristic, conservative and not radical.

It is perhaps time for the states and the regimes the world over to move from ‘state centric approach’ to the ‘people centric approach’. In today’s interdependent world, spoils of the imagined victory would soon be offset by the actual costs of ecological decline and the resultant instability at local, national and regional levels. The plain and simple fact needs to be retold with all possible emphasis at one’s command that historically rivers might have been used by the map makers to delineate political boundaries, but ecologically speaking rivers join and not divide nations. Any river which flows through two or more nations is supported by a ecosystem that cuts across political boundaries, and cooperation is needed among the riparian states not only to avert conflict but also to protect the natural ecosystem. Further, as water is a life sustaining resource, the ethics of water sharing demands sharing both with the nature and among each other. The ethics of sustainability requires a new, normative, and humane geopolitics, in place of a state-centric, power-oriented geopolitics of mastering space and resources. A radical reformulation of the conventional understandings of sovereignty, security and development alone will ensure ecologically sustainable, culturally appropriate, gender sensitive and economically viable development and management of the international waterways in the interest of humanity as a whole.

Issues of Cultural Democracy
Author : Rangitabali Waikhom

When I look into the enormity of problems of the conflict torn state of Manipur, overwhelmed by inter ethnic clashes, poverty, the magnitude of violence and other oppressive forces, the response of the younger generation of women go unnoticed. They are the women who are interested in a creative expression of culture and who would like to be represented in the national pantheon of voices, but their voices are little heard and in a sense marginalized. Everybody talks about Meira Paibi but none talks about the educated group, educated young women who would like a certain kind of self representation in different aspects of expression of arts, literature, music, dance, politics, intellectuals, the built environment, and the entire array of voluntary activities. The problem is complex; the sense of identity is acute. They are the voices from an underdeveloped society trying to catch up with the world’s development.

The younger people endeavor to raise their subdued voices of the young about what they want to see, what kind of problems they experience in the economy, society, arts and where lies their voice in the larger democracy like the one in India. In this context the main problem is the dilemma and confusion about how these young women who are in a process of making efforts to locate their self-realization, cultural and political aspirations etc. The question, which worries, is where are we now?

It is true that whatever little voices Manipuri women speak out is concerned with our problems, our state. So it doesn’t attract attention beyond this boundary. The issues as such are not of national interest. Everybody is aware of the role of Arundhati Roy—her solidarity as the activist of Narmada Bachao Andolan. It came as news headlines and it was nice to hear when 22 years old Rup Kanwar lost 19 kg in four days. It was wonderful for us. But who is concerned about Irom Sharmila Chanu who is fasting for almost 2 years without any food now (still surviving in artificial feeding)? And the saga of many others still remained unsung. It is a question to be asked how many civilian women and young girls are tortured, raped, and killed by the Indian security forces while fighting with insurgents? Do we ignore their voices just as mere fallout of insurgency? If you look at the presence of the army in the northeast you will know what kind of condition the northeast has and how women in conflict and women in the cultural endeavour exist or survive. It is a very delicate issue. There is no representation of these women in our media. The national media has also ignored any of such women’s issues in their agenda and whatever reasons they are not able to cross the lines.

Our art forms are very dependent today. Even masculine voices are stunned so, where will the voice of woman come out? It exhibits a stereotype image of Manipuri woman, which the world has imagined –women dancing, singing, accompanying their male counterparts etc. The drama in reality and the drama, which is represented, are being distanced. Few get the recognition and are awarded. But we cannot represent Irom Sharmila Chanu in our drama cinema or theatre. Again the question of why the voice of the woman cannot be projected can be raised. Many of the Manipuri talented artists whom you see today are representing which India wants to show them as Manipuris not as Manipuris want to show themselves. Thereby the true representation is halted by the discourse itself.

I cannot plead for a dance, drama /theatre or in any other form where women voice is raised for you to recognize. The problem is not a question of our appealing to understand us neither a kind of assertion to recognize us in the democratic set up but it is time to let others know that our realities are something, which are quite different from whatever else you are expecting. It is rather a kind of our anguish and dilemma.

We want to know ourselves. We have our unique features of crisis. When we try to represent ourselves we are unable to locate our voices as we have not yet succeeded to articulate our contempory position.

If you want me to speak as a young contempory women ‘s voice that represents as a Manipuri of the 21st century then it’s important to see beyond the images of great dancers in numerous institutions, going foreign tours or images of young girls in the television. The outsiders long to see us through the level of exotic culture everything choreographed and commodified. You want to see us in this way and not concerned to see other things, which remains obscured, and perhaps which are the source of all the things.

Many of our women meira paibi – an entire grassroots generation, market women, peasantry, proletariat etc., apart form their economic contribution form serious motherhood in order to stop the repressions thereby dissipate their energies. They cannot get out of that and are going to stay for they cannot be wished away. But there is something very inner crisis of womanhood which is reflected in elderly uneducated generation but whose values are very strong about right and wrong. We younger ones fail to be like them or follow their footsteps. We are facing big expectations and represent the middle class aspirations. At the same time we expect emotional and economic security and have genuine problems relating to that. There is a crisis for us specially educated women and our problems are a condition of gender in a period of suppression and dehumanization- an attempt to have a united voice lies in this critical period. We are not either westernizing or indigenring ourselves or take the fundamentalist position because we are not yet free from how to represent and assert our voice.

At this juncture it is quite impossible through the gender movement and all those international discourse to view our women in our own cultural, social and economic reality because our women have a distinctive culture and responses to the influences and problems of life. Many cases within the pan-Indian nationalism cannot reach us. Our national genesis undermined by history made our problems more complicated.

The alienation and distance are complete and in the age of global communication it seems still excommunicated. So we stand nowhere in the institutional recognition. We are free, liberal but the native discourse is to be realized.

The Manipuri women live and fight because they have to fight. It is a matter of importance to understand and on this ground of ‘how are we so’ when one wants to discuss or speak on the contempory women’s movements and not that “I have been kept in the kitchen, I need to break free. I am an actress give me award, I am a writer please recognize me etc” but something more the voice is the search for the self.

We all need to strive for getting correct clues, we need time and understand our resources to self organize, our practical and fieldwork experiences need to expand the network. And when organised the younger generation can also focus on the process of peacemaking and conflict resolution and to mobilise ourselves to identify peace and resist violence. We also need to analyse how women can work towards peace in the violence affected Northeast India. The right kind of efforts and articulation will also enable the Meira Paibis of the state to widen the horizon to change its character forming a peace forum and linked directly in peacemaking process. We need to read ourselves to know about our history and many references that have shaped our history. The question “where are we now” is to be rethought and redefined and we need to reflect why these question arises. This itself is the battle. We are going to fight to overcome the alienation of our voice from our own roots. And perhaps this is our present voice.

Manipuri Theatre and its Role in Peace Making

Author: N.Vijaylakshmi Brara

“The Manipuri theatre has a long history, a fine tradition of chivalry, arts and culture,” wrote Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel.

The Perception

What does the word Theatre mean? For me it means performance. A performance, that sends out a message. It also means drama, with all its splendour and elaborate casts and crews with its make believe spectacular scenes. In this context, I perceive that the whole Manipur State permeates with theatrical elements. In my book also, I have suggested that Manipur was and to some extent it still is in fact a ‘Theatre tate’ . And when I say this I do not mean that it is a ‘full of fun’, a non-serious kind of structure. In fact what I have suggested is that drama, display, ceremony and splendour form an intrinsic part of the state pparatus.

But why does the state manifest itself in such a way and how does it do it? We should not forget that a good performance leaves a strong impact on our minds. It also leaves us with a feeling of awe and reverence when we see a spectacular display. One still remembers the impact of the television drama, Ramayana. The magical feats and the spectacular performance of various modern day Godmen in front of thousands of disciples are all too familiar. Jayalalitha’s aura and her role as the mother (Amma) of Tamil land is also always seen as accompanied by elaborate rituals, perfusing some kind of cosmic aura around her.

The concept of Theatre State

The concept of Theatre State was propounded by an anthropologist called Clifford Geertz. He drew a parallel between the statecraft of the Balinese State and theatrical art. ‘It was a Theatre state in which the kings and the princes were the impresarios, the priests the directors, and the peasants the supporting cast, stage crew, and the audience.’ According to him spectacles, elaborate ceremonies and public dramatizations were not means to political ends, they were the ends in themselves.’ Court ceremonialism was the driving force of the court politics’. Thus power served upon pomp and not pomp, power.” The ritual life of the court was not merely reflective of social order but also of supernatural order, upon which all individuals in strict proportions to their status sought to pattern their lives.

The coronation

In Manipur, the State ritual was not a simple coronation of a particular king but an expression of cosmic energies, through this ritual. The ritual and the belief in kingship were the object of respect and veneration for the people, and not the king as a person. The rituals related to the belief in kingship and involved reenactments of origin myths. They were extremely ceremonial and theatrical. Individual kings were only the ‘actors’, enacting the role assigned to them in this whole performance. In the coronation ceremony a lot of emphasis was placed on the ritual coition between the king and the queen. This enactment of fertility principle was seen to reflect the procreation of cosmic energies and also enhanced the procreative power of its people and the earth. The adornment of Tangkhul dress by the king and the construction of the royal house in Tangkhul architecture were reflective of the brotherhood with the hill people. Needless to say, that prosperity and brotherhood were considered pre-requisite in ensuring peace and peaceful coexistence between its people.

Lai-Haraoba (the appeasement of the deities) The Lai-Haraoba is another detailed theatrical exercise where the traditional priests and priestesses (the Maibas and the Maibis) are the main actors while the people are the accompanied artists. Together they enact the beginning of life through its conception in the mother’s womb, the birth, the construction of the house and the start of the settlement, the cultivation of land, the weaving of clothes and a dance in a serpentine track (Lairel mathak) that represents the regeneration and continuation of the civilization.

The importance of the success of Lai-Haraoba is seen as directly linked, with the prosperity of the state and then to the prosperity of the individuals. It was, and still can be seen as, an appeasement of the ancestors for the welfare of the whole state. It should be seen as the origin of the people’s theatre. The people’s involvement is complete. Various dances of Tangkhuls, Kabuis and other hill tribes are essential part of the Lai-Haraoba. The prosperity and peaceful co-existence is again emphasized. In the past therefore, our ancestors had a clear vision. They knew that prosperity of the whole state is essential for a peaceful society. This aspect was emphasized in the theatrical anecdotes of both Coronation and Lai-Haraoba. I fail to understand as to why our present leaders fail to understand this and instead continue giving us the usual chicken and egg story. Although the enactment of prosperity rituals do gain importance when they have to stand for elections.

But, whose prosperity?

Lai-Haraoba was not only the religious festival enacted regularly though the nook and corner of the Meitei society since time immemorial, it also provided the most important form of public entertainment which both the royalty and public could enjoy and also participate. Legends, folk tales were enacted through dance forms, songs etc. In fact, the present day Manipuri proscenium theatre as well as Shumang Leela (Street Theatre) could be traced back to the Lai Haraoba festival.

The present “stage”

Today Manipur has two types of organized theatre groups with apex bodies and an organized administration. One performs on the stage (proscenium theatre) and the other on the streets inside the localities in ‘Jatra’ style popularly called Shumang Leela.

History records that it was in 1902 that a play called ‘PRAVAS MILAN’ was enacted in Bengali in the precincts of late Raja Dumbra Singh with rolling scenes and prompted speech in which actors both from the Bengali and Manipuri communities participated. This set the trend for the growth of proscenium theatre. Many historical and mythological plays were translated and enacted. There were both Bengali and Manipuri theatre groups. The Bamacharan Mukhopadhya Bandhap Natya Shala was the most prominent Bengali group. The first Manipuri language drama (Narasingh) was written in 1925 by late L.Ibungohal Singh, which was performed in the Govindajee Temple complex. Manipuri theatre gradually expanded. The Manipur Dramatic Union (MDU), the oldest group was established in 1931, the Aryan Theatre in1935, Rupmahal in 1943. The youngest of all the groups, the Chorus Repertory of Ratan Thiyam was established much later, only in 1976. MDU used the genre of utilizing folkloric traditions. The themes revolved around the depiction of poverty, domestic violence, drunkenness etc. Rupmahal Theatre Company started with the mythological plays. They were very loud and full of melodrama. Later they started taking up renowned satirist GC Tongbra’s plays and revolutionary social thinker Arambam Somorendro’s plays. One of their latest productions is based on the Naga-Kuki problem directed by Khundombom Brojendro.

Their style remains melodramatic having a fixed weekly clientele along with family and friends of the artists. Today we have around forty theatre groups spread all over the valley. The latest of them being ‘Forum for Laboratory Theatres of Manipur, which was established in 1990. The proscenium theatre today has been de-cotextualized, according to Dr. N.Premchand (a noted theatre director). His contention is that, “ Instead of confronting the home audience theatre in Manipur has become interested in showing to the audience outside Manipur.” With the result, changes in social and political life are not taken notice of and instead it misrepresents the people as forever fixed in an exotic and eternal world of tradition. Therefore, sometimes even though the ultimate message may be relevant. For example, peace and non-violence in Ratan Thiyam’s Chakravuh, or the diginity of woman in Kannahilal’s Draupadi, it does not touch the heart. The audience does appreciate the intricate theatrical exercises but the story seems to be outside the context and therefore fail to carry the message home. What we need is to build on the popular theatre and create a kind of ethno-political dramas, if we feel that there is a need for the proscenium theatre to play a role in the peace making.

Sumang leelas are on the other hand more popular form of plays. They are also the roving entertainment groups, which regale the people with their earthy, spontaneous humour interacting directly with the audience, which surrounds the performers. Rather than concentrating on historical and mythical themes, the shumang leelas have mainly dealt with contemporary issues. They have instead filled the place and have taken a prominent lead in playing an active role in carrying the message of peace, and fight against other social evils. They are the street plays of Manipur with an apex body called the Manipur State Sumanglila Council. There are around twenty-four Sumang leela groups, out of which ten are exclusively women groups and fourteen are exclusively male groups. This gender exclusivity is a very unique feature of this art form. In male groups the female role is enacted by a male and in female groups the male role is enacted by a female. In the early phases mythological and religious themes dominated these Leelas. A little later it started subtly critisizing the aberrations in the society and gave expression to people’s protest against the British rule, oppression and exploitation, wrapping it up with fun and humour. According to L.Damodar Singh,” It is a tool for ‘social engineering’ and conscience keepers.”. “ Sumang Leela is a powerful weapon to register the protests of the people. Therefore it is full of vitality because of its inner strength and resilience to provide entertainment as well as create awareness.” It has an innate quality to enthrall and involve the audience. It’s a people’s theatre because it reflects their joys, ideals and dreams along with their sorrows, fears and anguish. Recently, Sanaleibak Nachom Artists Association did a leela on WTC. Meitei leima Jatras cum drama Association did a leela called the ‘Black Day’, basing their theme on how the common people are caught between the Army and the under ground extremist groups. It got the best play award in the All Manipur Sumang Leela competition conducted by the State Kala Academy. This group has got another play titled ‘Curfew’, which shows the personal human feelings transcending the communal divide created between the Meiteis and the Tangkhuls. In the past these Sumangleela groups have been also performing on the themes related to domestic violence, drugs, AIDS, polygamy, army atrocities, corruption etc. One can see people bringing their own stools and sitting around an open stage till two in the morning and coming back with faces full of various kinds of emotions. The involvement is complete.

Women artists

Even though women actively participated in the public religious ceremonies and functions, both before the advent of Hinduism, viz., Lai Haraoba as well and after the advent of Hinduism, viz., Ras Leela, Goura Leela etc., women’s participation in the stage dramas was rare. Their participation was not encouraged. The women’s role was played by the male artists. They began participating only since the 1930s. The female artists were mainly drawn from those who were involved in the Mandap Leela (religious plays performed in the temple Mandaps), Kubak Eeshei (Songs by clapping) Marbak Jagoi artists (a from of Hindustani dance which was very popular during the 2nd Word War amongst the army jawans) etc. Before the advent/popularization of Proscenium Theater, the Mandap Leela was patronized by the King. During the reign of King Chandrakirti, Sabhaparva, a mandap leela was very popular, in which female artists like Kangbam Maipakpi Devi, Soirem Keinya used to take part. They also appeared in a number of plays produced/organized by the State Education Department which also played a pioneering role in the popularization of the proscenium theatre. Women artists (Sairem Lakshmi, Khundrakpam Prabhapati, Laitonjam Meetlu, Soibam Angangpemma, Maimom Thambalgou etc) also appeared in the Prahlada Charit enacted by the Nambol Drama Samiti directed by Okram Ibomcha in the year 1923. Thereafter in 1926 in the play Sabhaparva directed by Chongtham Mayurdhwaja, Lourembam Leibak Leima played the role of Droupadi, and Konjengbam Pishak the role of Kunti. Other female artists like Palujam Moithap, Ngangom Pashot, Yumnam Ongbi Nungshimatum also acted in that play. These female artists were pioneers in the field. They revolted against the societal notions, which considered them ‘fast’, and of loose character. These women were beautiful and won the hearts of many for the roles they played. Unfortunately, many of them did not lead happy married lives. It was mainly after the 2nd World War, the female artists began to increase in number and also started gaining social acceptability. Even in Sumang Leelas, earlier there were only male artists. In recent years all women Sumang Leela has come up but they only present their plays in the yearly festivals. They are mostly based on the traditional religious and mythological plays like ‘Moirang Parva’, and stories like Khamba and Thoibi (the eternal lovers). Lately though they have started taking up issues such as drug addiction, alcoholism etc. It will be not be wrong to say that they have today, become an extension of the Meira-Paibi movement. The women artists are mainly the market women, who after their long and tiring hard work, collect in the evening and release their creative energies through this medium. There is very little intellectual intervention and the theme revolves around maintaining good social order. Many of the Meira-Paibi leaders of today, whom I talked to recently, are sumangleela artists of yesteryears. On asking as to why they felt the need for all women Sumangleela, they answered that in mythological plays women looked aesthetically more pleasing than men dressed as women. They lament that they could not continue as actors as other issues gained priority over a period of time. There has also been no recent recruitment of young women, and not many people want to pay and come to see old artists. They feel that they have a peripheral status in relation to the patronage given to the artists of Raas-Leela and Pung-Cholam etc. Therefore, they have chosen to put their points across through the medium of Meira-Paibi movement. Although as said earlier, they continue to present their leela in the yearly festivals.

Concluding Remarks

I feel that Sumang leelas are the fertile ground for generating peaceful co-existence among the people of Manipur. The potential lies here. They are the street theatre and therefore are mobile. It is they who receive the audience. Therefore they can also choose their audience. But before doing that they have to envisage their problems and broaden their horizons. They have to realize their potential and also understand their responsibility. I am not saying that they do not understand, but what I am trying to say is that in the present scenario, they have to shoulder a greater burden. I have also said earlier that the involvement of the Sumang Leela artists with the audience is complete. The people sitting all around the stage get encapsulated with the actors and feel one with them. I would suggest to the director of the play ‘Curfew’, for instance, to take his troop to the hills. At the moments I do not think of materiel motives. The way they have involved the valley people they also have the potential to attract the hill people. Write more scripts on such issues, convey the futility of killing and emphasize the power of the people, and selfish motives of certain political leaders. Wrap it up with satire, with humour. Humour strikes deeper and causes less pain. Dramatic performance has great impact. It is much more powerful than written or visual media. Sumang leela or the street theatre as we generally call them has even greater appreciation and therefore greater impact in Manipur than the proscenium theatre. Similar to Lai Haraoba, Sumang Lilaa have a familiar and informal aura around them. This kind of non-intimidating atmosphere attracts people. It encourages people to react instinctively and consequently builds a connection. In my paper I have promised to discuss ‘Manipuri Theatre’, but have discussed only the valley theatre. And here lies our basic problem. In our literature, in our studies in history, and in our day to day references, ‘manipuri’ has become synonymous with ‘meitei’. In my case I am a bit justified because there are no theatre forms existing in the hills. But can we not involve some people from the hills in our troops? After all Sumangleela of the present times is very secular and does not even have a strong regional (valley) outlook. It is I feel the best platform for hillvalley amalgamation. It can in that way become a true ‘Manipuri Theatre”.